of the liberal position here. Many think that the answer is yes. I will defer important questions of interpretation to emphasize the main point-which is the way Neutrality promises to satisfy the two conditions we require for a potent. The latter view, but not the former, is incompatible with egalitarianism, and would lead to intolerance and sacrifice of the interests of the inferior for the sake of the superior. Moral and religious disagreements are seen as endemic to a democratic society, and the validity of the Rawlsian conception of justice is limited to such a society9The justification for excluding controver- The Morality of Freedom 117 sial truths from the original position lies in the. While I do not necessarily rule this possibility out, once again, Jones would have to meet a severe burden of proof to defend his position.
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Liberals have been impressed by the ways that our reason leads us to different conclusions, but this has not led them to depreciate reason, or like some postmodernists, to call the very idea of reason itself into question. The distinction, however, is not of crucial importance, as the state can only act through its agents: if they ought not to coerce without good reasons, the state ought not. Defenders of the neutrality constraint do not rest their case on the claim that no one should ever do what is controversial. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962 489ff. So formulated, neutrality is able to address the common criticisms that it rests impermissibly on value skepticism and that it bars governments from performing many actions that are widely expected of them.
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