a few more, be a safe depositary for a limited and well-guarded power of legislating for the United States? They might even entertain a preference to some other person, at the very moment they were assenting to the one proposed, because there might be no positive ground of opposition to him; and they could not be sure, if they withheld their assent, that the. It is worthy of remark that not only the first, but every succeeding Congress, as well as the late convention, have invariably joined with the people in thinking that the prosperity of America depended on its Union. Proofs of this position might be adduced from the examples of the Roman Tribuneship, the Polish Diet, and the States-General of the Netherlands, did not an example at home render foreign precedents unnecessary. May he not be less willing by a firm conduct, to make personal enemies, when he acts under the impression that a time is fast approaching, on the arrival of which he not only MAY, but must, be exposed to their resentments, upon an equal.
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When men exercise their reason coolly and freely on a variety of paper presentations in colleges distinct questions, they inevitably fall into different opinions on some of them. It would therefore be destitute of a precise meaning, and inoperative from its uncertainty. If a magistrate so powerful and so well fortified as a British monarch, would have scruples about the exercise of the power under consideration, how much greater caution may be reasonably expected in a President of the United States, clothed for the short period. But it is not difficult to account, either for this restriction on the general government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed. A future concert of views between these nations ought not to be regarded as improbable. The ingredients which constitute safety in the republican sense are, first, a due dependence on the people, secondly, a due responsibility.
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